Postmortem of Kejri-cry

A point-by-point response to questions raised and rebuttal of irresponsible allegations made by Arvind Kejriwal 

(A compilation of authentic inputs for public education) 

On Gas Pricing

·      It was BJP leader Yashwant Sinha who led the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Gas Pricing, which gave a researched yet aggressive critique of the gas pricing policies seeking a re-think on the formulation of pricing through recommendations of the Rangarajan formula and urging the UPA government to review its decision to increase prices from April 2014.[1] The report makes these points mainly:

1.    The Committee advised the government to subject gas producers to closer regulation, especially on aspects of cost recovery and technical parameters related to production.

2.    The Committee opined that the contractor responsible for supplying gas from the KG-D6 gas field should deliver the shortfall in supply at the original price and not be allowed to take advantage of a possible upward price revision.

2.

3.    Expressing concerns about the adverse impact on different sectors of a possible price rise due the implementation of the new formula, the Committee suggested that the government re-think elements of the formula and impose a cap on the price suggested by it.

3.

4.    The Committee expressed the view that the government needs to do a thorough impact study of gas pricing on the core sectors of power, fertiliser, steel and small scale industry.

·      It is also important to remind Kejriwal that Gujarat’s Energy Minister Shri Saurabh Patel has also expressed his disappointment and opposition to the gas pricing which would lead to increased rates.[2]

·      Coming to Kejriwal’s charge of undue favours to Ambani, this is again a blind allegation in which Arvind Kejriwal specializes. Gujarat under Narendra Modi has seen transparent governance which has cut red tape and corruption tremendously.

·      The question to be asked to Arvind Kejriwal is that why did his party not raise its voice or demand any FIR in the Augusta Westland case which directly involved Sonia Gandhi? Did their political alliance play a part or it has more to do with the personal closeness of Arvind Kejriwal to the Sonia Gandhi & the NAC nexus?

On Agricultural Growth

Again Kejriwal used non existent figures to rubbish the most exceptional story of transformation in agriculture. Gujarat has indeed grown at close to 11% in the last decade. This data sourced from the Gujarat Socio Economic Survey proves him a liar once again. Gujarat has indeed been growing at 11% in the past decade.

Electricity Supply

Gujarat’s Jyotigram Yojna has been lauded over the country & in the world for revolutionising agriculture in rural areas. It has also been recommended as the ideal model by planning panel as well.

On subsidies to farmers, At a time when electricity consumers in Gujarat are paying about Rs 5 for every unit of electricity, farmers in the state are getting the same at a subsidised rate of just 56 paise. [3]

On Crony Capitalism

·      By asking such questions Arvind Kejriwal tries to indulge in innuendo, which has been the characteristic of the AAP. However if he did just some research on Gujarat and it’s progress in the last decade, the answers are clearly visible.

·      Under Narendra Modi’s rule in Gujarat, businesses have thrived and progressed immensely. Not only Adani, almost all industrial houses have done well in Gujarat. This is due to absence of red tape and excellent infrastructure in Gujarat. These policies of the Gujarat Government have directly benefitted the common man, by increasing employment opportunities & incomes.

·      Even the PSUs which were loss making entities in Gujarat before Narendra Modi came to power, are making great profit now. While they incurred a loss of 2702 crore in 2001, the same companies turned a profit of 4041 crores in 2012-13.

·      The per capita income in Gujarat has grown at the fastest rate in Gujarat in the entire country in the last decade. SMEs & MSMEs have also blossomed like never before. There are many success stories in Gujarat, which is truly the growth engine of India.

·      If he is specifically interested in only Adani, he should also know that Adani has invested in Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Goa, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Assam apart from Gujarat. In addition to it, the Group has made investment in Indonesia for coal mining project and Australia for port and coal mining projects. It’s investments in Gujarat comprise of only 35% of its total investments.

·      Hence questioning ties between Adani group and the Gujarat CM is just nonsensical. Also all the exchanges between the Gujarat Government and the company are in public domain, unlike the AAP which holds closed door meetings in hotels with industrialists to make political deals.

Health & Education

·      Arvind Kejriwal would be pleasantly surprised to know that Gujarat’s performance in education, health and helping farmers is indeed a model for the nation.

·      The Modi Government with its Kanya Kelvani and Shala Praveshotsav programme in Mission Mode focused attention on primary education in the State for the first time. At the time Mr. Modi became Chief Minister the drop out rate in primary education was as high as 20%. These means that one in every five children dropped out of school at the end of class V. In 2012-13, this has come down to 2.04 .

·      This huge success in education was due to more money being spent on education especially in building infrastructure. The performance of Gujarat is far better than the National performance which can be seen below:

o   99% of schools in Gujarat have  electricity Vs 72% nationally

o   82% of schools in Gujarat have ramp facility Vs 53% nationally

o   89% of schools in Gujarat have boundary walls Vs 58% nationally

o   100% of schools in Gujarat have girls toilets Vs 72% nationally

o   100% of schools in Gujarat have drinking water Vs 23% nationally

·      According to the latest figures of IMR are for 2012, released by Registrar General in 2013 IMR of Gujarat has declined by 33% as compared to decline of 30% for All India between 2003 and 2012. Gujarat’s IMR at 38 is lower than the All India IMR of 42 hence Gujarat’s IMR has declined from 57 in 2003 to 38 in 2012.

·      Gujarat had a rank of 10 in 15 Bigger States in SRS 2005. This rank improved to 8^th in 19 Bigger States which have been taken up in SRS 2013. Also important to note that in Gujarat IMR reduced from 69 in 1991 to 60 in 2001, but in the next 11 years decreased from 60 to 38! Hence Gujarat has done well in reducing IMR and this indicates that growth in Gujarat has been Inclusive.

·      It is interesting to see Arvind Kejriwal raise similar questions on farmer suicides which was raised by his Rahul Gandhi sometime back. Gujarat has an excellent track record in not being known for farmer suicides. The states of Andhra Pradesh & Maharashtra are known for farmer suicides.

·      If any party is responsible for farmer suicides, it is Congress Party. Also Maharashtra & Andhra Pradesh, two Congress ruled states have the highest no of suicide cases in India.

·      According to a reply given in the Lok Sabha[4], Andhra Pradesh recorded 7303 while Maharashtra recorded 10,264 deaths in 2010, 2011, 2012. It is ironic that Arvind Kejriwal asks this question to Narendra Modi when it is the party who he was associated with previously which is responsible for most farmer deaths.

·      Gujarat has the country’s best record in BT Cotton but the state has make excellent arrangements for provision of infrastructure and inputs, especially water and has been able to avoid farmer suicides.

·      It would be good if Arvind Kejriwal answers what has AAP Government done in Delhi. Rapes continue abetted. Racial crimes are flourishing. Infact their ministers are indulging in racism. As many as 174 people are reported to have dies in Delhi due to cold in 23 days of AAP regime itself. Even the NHRC had to step in and question the death of people due to cold.

Facts on the Purshottam Solanki case

No proven findings against Purshottam Solanki

·      Primarily imperative to ask anyone who levels any allegations against Purshottam Solanki as to what are the charges against him? If he/she is aware of the case details?

o   Whether there is a court order against him?

o   Whether there is a CAG finding against him?

o   Whether any allegation of corruption has been proved in a court against him?

o   Whether his actions have led to a loss to the public exchequer?

o   Whether there is any allegation of a quid pro quo?

·      The reality is there is no chargesheet/no court finding against Purshottam Solanki.

 His decision was in the larger interest of the community

·      Being from the fishermen community himself, the Minister for Fisheries Purshottam Solanki,  took a decision in the interest of the fishermen community by allowing communities, co-operatives, displaced & adversely impacted people to get contracts for fishing at upset prices. This decision was actually a medium of Empowerment for the local communities.

·      Some private individuals went to the High Court against this decision. The High Court asked the Government of Gujarat to study the matter and take appropriate decision.

·      The Cabinet studied all aspects of the case extensively and deduced that no spurious practice was followed by Purshottam Solanki in the case.

Governor gave sanction to prosecute disregarding Cabinet opinion

·      But the Governor of Gujarat, in yet another example of partisan politics, disregarded the opinion of the Cabinet & gave sanction to prosecute Purshottam Solanki.

Matter being probed, important to wait for verdict

·      This matter is currently being probed by the Anti Corruption Bureau as per the Court Orders. There has been no chargesheet/court finding against Purshottam Solanki till date.

·      The question arises that how can someone judge Purshottam Solanki even before the court finds any evidence against him or pronounces its verdict. It is important to respect the sanctity of our judicial systems & wait for the verdict before declaring anyone guilty to score political points.

·      The case has not even come for trial; no chargesheet has been filed and there are no adverse findings by any court whatsoever

Facts on the Babubhai Bokhiria Case

Stay on Conviction

·      The opposition & sections of the media are routinely peddling lies that Babubhai Bokhiria remains in the cabinet inspite of being convicted. Nothing can be farther from the truth than this assumption.

·      The fact of the matter in Babubhai Bokhiria’s case is that his conviction has been stayed by a superior court.

·      Both his conviction and his sentence stay suspended.

Rationale behind Stay

·      The District Judge after taking into account the trial order has passed a detailed speaking order.

·      The District Judge has said that he is aware that a conviction should not be stayed unless it is a rare case. After detailed study of the case, the District Court Judge has come to the conclusion that this conviction should be stayed as it is a rare case.

Supreme Court Judgment

·      The Supreme Court judgment which repealed section 8 (4) of the RP Act 1951 while allowing disqualification of convicted representatives, also observed that the same will not apply retrospectively.

·      So it would be unfair to question the wisdom of the Supreme Court & asking Babubhai Bokhiria to be removed from the Cabinet as legally his conviction has been stayed  at present.

Moral Argument

·      Argument may be made that keeping in mind morality and commitment towards eradicating corruption, Babubhai Bokhiria should be removed from the Cabinet.

·      Here it is important to remind that morality should be applicable on both sides.  What if a higher court strikes down his sentence and conviction entirely and proves him innocent?

·      Hence we should wait for the Court to decide the case before coming to conclusions.

Questions Kejriwal needs to answer

·      While Arvind Kejriwal in his self righteousness questions a person as honest as Shri Narendra Modi, he himself has been found running away from the same questions.

1.    It has been found that on direction of the Court, the Centre has sent notices to the AAP to reveal it’s source of funding. But the Kejriwal led AAP is yet to reply inspite of 2 notices.[5]

2.    Arvind Kejriwal should question Manish Sisodia who is accused of misusing the money meant for his NGO. [6]

3.    Arvind Kejriwal also needs to answer the nation as to why is the Ford Foundation aiding the AAP and what are the ulterior motives behind it. [7]

4.    He is also yet to answer the Courts on crossing the election spending. [8]

5.    While Arvind Kejriwal positions himself as the champion of honest politics, it is strange to find that Arvind Kejriwal is yet to answer 13 RTI applications asking him questions pertained to funds received by way of donations and membership, details of expenses, statements of the party’s bank accounts, internal elections, candidates selections process and the proof of corruption against politicians whom Kejriwal has called corrupt in the recent weeks. The petitioner also adds “While Arvind Kejriwal was in the chair, the chief minister’s performance on RTI was at its worst ever. I had asked for reasons for the transfers of the two transport commissioners. The CM’s office replied that the citizens have no right to ask why the transfer happen” [9]

AAP Manifesto Report Card

Sr No.	Promises	Status
01	The VIP culture should be stopped in Delhi. No MLA, minister or Delhi official will use red beacon on their cars. Neither they will live in big bungalows nor will take any special security.	Definitely no red-beacon is used. But big vehicle with VIP numbers were allotted to the ministers. Even Kejriwal himself asked for two 5-bed room bungalows. Thus on this front AAP government failed seriously because only tokenism was displayed.
02	Passing of the Jan Lokpal Bill, the same version for which Anna Hazare held fasts.	This in fact was opportunistically used by AAP in order to reap some benefit in Lok Sabha elections
03	People will take decision directly in 'mohalla sabhas', which will be held in every locality and colony.	‘Swaraj Bill’ even could not pass the cabinet. No opinion was taken for decisions during the tenure of government. This is a failure
04	AP demanded complete statehood for Delhi. Central government's hold on DDA and Police should end	No such bill came in the Assembly.
05	The party also demanded a special audit of all electricity companies in the national capital from the time these were privatised. The companies that refuse to participate, their licenses should be cancelled	Audit has been ordered. But because of resignation, how this can be followed up? -
06	Electricity meters should be checked.	This has not yet started.
07	There is 220 liters of water available for every person daily. Where is it?	In this tenure, Kejriwal never wanted to investigate this. No answer to Delhi Public till date
08	AAP wanted unauthorized colonies to be regularized. 30% of Delhi's population lives in such colonies and these should be regularized	This hasn’t been done yet nor any action initiated till date!

08	AAP wanted unauthorized colonies to be regularized. 30% of Delhi's population lives in such colonies and these should be regularized	This hasn’t been done yet nor any action initiated till date!
09	The party demanded to know if the Congress and the BJP will support its decision to give clean and affordable 'pakka houses' (built up houses) to those living in slums.	Both BJP and Congress agreed to it. But AAP government didn’t initiate any action
10	It also sought their support to give regular jobs to those working on contractual basis.	No Action initiated by AAP government despite their promise.
11	It wanted to give infrastructural facilities like roads, electricity, water and basic facilities to the ordinary trader	Not once these promises were discussed.
12	AAP said it is against FDI in retail.	A letter from Delhi government sent to the central government withdrawing earlier consent of allowing FDI in retail at Delhi
13	The party wanted to provide facilities and subsidies to farmers in the villages in the national capital.	No attempt is made in this tenure.
14	The party also demanded to know the Congress and BJP's stand on opening 500 government schools, stopping donations in private schools and making the fee system transparent.	Nothing has been done by AAP government.
15	The party said it wanted to open new government hospitals with better facilities.	Nothing is done.
16	It also wanted to have special security units for women and wants all harassment cases to be tackled within three months.	Some initial discussion started but nothing concrete done by the government.
17	It wanted to set up enough courts and appoint judges so that all cases are dealt within six months.	Not done and neither initiated any action.
18	The AAP wanted to know whether the municipal corporations of Delhi will support them on these issues.	No such situation has aroused during the tenure where MCD’s support is required.
19	Providing electricity at 50% reduced tariff: The original promise was to make the audit of discoms, check their irregularities so that Delhi public could the reduction of 50% in their tariff.	Audit ordered and in the mean time 50% subsidy upto 400 units was announced. This subsidy included prevailing subsidy. This is applicable to only metered house. This can only be seen as a populist measure benefiting affording class only at the cost of Public money.
20	Providing free water up to 700 litre per day per house hold	20kl water is made free for each household those have meters. Those who don't have meters (particularly poor people) wouldn’t be benefited. Further the main issue of providing water to everyone was not addressed. Thus in coming summers, the people who were suffering since years and became victim of tanker mafia are sure to suffer, because AAP is now interested in national ambition.
21	Shelters to homeless: After assuming office, Kejriwal had announced that his government would set up porta cabins for the homeless.	But the government set up makeshift homes of plastic sheets. According to reports, at least 178 people lost their lives due to Cold in the past one month. Delhi High Court also pulled up the AAP government over deaths due to cold at night shelters in the national capital.

Ending 49 days of AAP rule in Delhi

No.	Manifesto Agenda	Status
01 01	BRINGING AN END TO CORRUPTION IN DELHI	Undecided
02 0203	DEVOLVING POWER DIRECTLY TO THE PEOPLE
03 03	FULL STATEHOOD TO DELHI
04 04	ELECTRICITY BILLS TO BE REDUCED BY HALF	Undecided
05 05	CLEAN WATER IN EVERY HOME
06 06	MAKING SEWERAGE SYSTEMS WORK, BUILDING COMMUNITY TOILETS
07 07	BETTER WASTE MANAGEMENT, A CLEANER DELHI
08	HIGH QUALITY EDUCATION IN GOVERNMENT SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES
09	IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTHCARE FACILITIES
10	SECURITY FOR WOMEN , CHILDREN AND SENIOR CITIZENS
11	SWIFT AND FAIR DISPENSATION OF JUSTICE
12	DEVOLUTION OF POWER TO GRAMS SABHAS AND BETTER FACILITIES IN DELHI’S VILLAGES
13	BETTER FACILITIES AND REGULARISATION OF UNAUTHORISED COLONIES
14	BETTER FACILITIES AND REHABILITATION OF SLUMS
15	PROTECTING THE COMMON MAN FROM RISING PRICES
16	INCREASING EMPLOYMENT IN DELHI
17	FACILITATING TRADE IN DELHI
18	IMPROVING FACILITIES IN INDUSTRIAL AREAS
19	NO CONTRACTUALISATION OF JOBS
20	SOCIAL SECURITY FOR UNORGANISED SECTOR WORKERS
21	LICENCES AND PERMANENT SPACES TO STREET VENDORS
22	CONVINIENT AND INEXPENSIVE PUBLIC TRANSPORT
23	IMPROVED ROADS, WITH SPACE FOR NON-MOTORISED TRANSPORT
24	FAIR ARRANGEMENTS FOR AUTO-DRIVERS AND AUTO-COMMUTERS	Undecided
25	YAMUNA: ENDING POLLUTION AND ENCROACHMENT
26	REDUCING POLLUTION, SAVING THE RIDGE
27	PROTECTING CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS OF SCHEDULED CASTES
28	LIFE OF DIGNITY TO THE VALMIKI COMMUNITY
29	PEACE, JUSTICE AND EQUALITY FOR MUSLIMS
30	JUSTICE TO VICTIMS OF 1984 MASSACRE	Undecided
31	TRUE SECOND LANGUAGE STATUS TO URDU AND PUNJABI
32	PROTECTING THE RIGHTS OF PERSONS WITH DISABILITY
33	OTHER MARGINALISED COMMUNITIES
34	SPORTS AND CULTURE

---

[1]http://www.prsindia.org/administrator/uploads/general/1378107940~~SCRS%20on%20impact%20of%20revision%20of%20natural%20gas%20price.pdf

[2] http://deshgujarat.com/2013/07/02/gas-price-hike-to-cost-gujarats-gas-fired-power-plants-rs-9485-cr-gas-based-fertilizer-plants-rs1985-cr-extra/

[3] http://indianexpress.com/article/cities/ahmedabad/farmers-pay-56-paise-per-unit-of-electricity/

[4] http://164.100.47.132/Annexture/lsq15/14/as24.htm

[5] http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-aap-not-replying-on-funds-source-centre-to-hc-1958115

[6] http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/delhi/AAPs-Manish-Sisodia-under-cloud-for-misuse-of-NGOs-foreign-funds/articleshow/29832432.cms

[7] http://www.ibtl.in/news/exclusive/1162/arvind-kejriwal-and-manish-sisodia--has-received-400-000-dollars-from-the-ford-foundation-in-the-last-three-years---arundhati-roy/

[8] http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-delhi-hc-asks-arvind-kejriwal-somnath-bharti-for-response-on-poll-expense-1964948

[9] http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/arvind-kejriwal-accused-of-running-away-from-rti-queries-on-aap/

Narendra Modi: Mr. Out-of- the-Box

Vinay Sahasrabuddhe

Senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley recently observed that running a country is different from running a state. There certainly can't be any dispute about that. But in the case of Narendra Modi, crores of Indians seem confident he can manage the nation's affairs with as much dexterity as in Gujarat.

This confidence springs from several factors. The most important of them all is his innovative approach and creative thinking, and that he has risen from the ranks. His elevation is highly reassuring for those who are frustrated and have lost hope in Indian democracy’s ability to deliver.

It is primarily to them that the BJP has given a strong signal that the party values ability and rewards skills.

In a largely dynasty-based political party canvas, the selection of Modi marks a refreshing change, and provides a ray of hope in an otherwise frustrating polity with hardly any internal democracy.

That pressure from grass-root level party workers, hastened his anointment should encourage political workers of every hue as it underscores the importance of ideology-driven party cadres and how much their opinion matters.

Harold Laski, renowned British political thinker once said that a true leader leads the masses and refuses to be led by the masses. For a state chief minister who has won three elections, back to back, without succumbing to populist pressures, to get the party’s nomination largely because of the cadre-sentiments is noteworthy.

What's the secret of Modi’s popularity amongst the NextGen voters? What makes him stand apart? Notwithstanding his image as a stubborn and inflexible leader, how is he able to win the hearts of people from all walks of life? From where does he gather courage to turn his back on populist measures?

The answer lies in his style of governance.  The strength of Narendra Modi is in his courage of conviction and purity of purpose. Nationalism, as he had pointed out several times is his ideology.

Besides, unlike several established politicians who are insecure, and scared of losing the comforts they are accustomed to, Modi is free from cravings for personal aggrandisement, which saw him have the strength to say “Neither do I indulge in corruption, nor would I allow others to do so” (hun khato nathi, ane khavane deto nathi). 

It’s the other part of the Modi mantra - Innovation – that has attracted even more interest. In every state we have water canals and most of our states are facing energy shortage. But it was Modi who first thought of covering canals with solar energy panels, thereby preventing vapourisation and generating solar power.

Again, in the era of Internet, with the book reading culture on the wane, Modi sensing the danger of diminishing reading habits, launched a campaign called Vanche Gujarat (Gujarat Reads), and himself went from school to school to promote book reading. Whether its infrastructure or education, urban transport or agriculture, Modi’s creative thinking covers all aspects of governance.

The Modi-mantra is minimum government and maximum governance. His government has entrusted the job of rural water management to villagers, mainly women.

Notably, his emphasis on greater participation of people also has helped him shun populism. Instead, he insists on educating the people.

A decade ago at the historic border village of Dholavira while inaugurating a reconstructed township for the quake-affected, he told the large gathering of villagers up front that it was their duty to pay bills on time.

Even when he was told that bills do not reach in time, his homespun logic was this: “While traveling in a bus, don't you go up to the bus conductor and get your ticket? If bills do not reach you in time, enquire; but pay you must!”

He introduced an innovative imprest fund scheme for private rural maternity homes to enable them to pay travel charges to the expectant mothers, successfully reducing the mother mortality rate. 

For farmers, confused, due to lack of timely guidance and counseling, he introduced an Annual Soil Health Card scheme that greatly helped them improve their farm produce. Recently, when the paucity of teachers afflicted

As part of Gujarat government’s efforts for preventing school dropouts, he embarked on an ambitious e-recruitment of teachers. Within a record 30 days, as many as 28,000 teachers had been hired through video interviews. Carried out with utmost transparency, there was zero corruption.

Again, as I was told; every new police station building that is coming up in Gujarat is now equipped with several new features. All such police stations are now energy-self-dependent. Moreover, all of them are now housing a library-cum-reading room, a crèche for the kids of especially women police persons as also a gymnasium. 

To inculcate a sense of belonging and an attitude of serving the people, Modi introduced a karma yogi training campaign in which over two lakh government employees participated. Other experiments included a chintan baithak,  which meant brainstorming with departmental officials at the beginning of every financial year.
Little question then, that Modi has become a Mr. Out of the Box thinker, with innovation and creative governance as his hallmarks. When people are fed up with politics that bring no change that cannot deliver under leaders who seem to be clueless about the path forward Modi, comes across as an icon of performance who can step into the void.

- The author is in charge of BJP’s good governance cell and is also member, National Executive, of the BJP.  He can be reached on vinays57@gmail.com 

Beyond statistics and symbols ...

Dr. Vinay Sahasrabuddhe

Christopher Jaffrelot's article ( Indian Express, November 7, 2013) unfortunately; is not free from the stereotype outlook towards what Nrendra Modi in particular and BJP in general has been saying and doing as well.

Firstly, about the planning commission data, lets not forget that there are too many ways of defining poverty even amongst the planning commission experts and hence different statistics may come out if one chooses to apply different definitions of poverty.

Now lets turn to Sachar Committee report. While it is nobody's case that Gujarat now has nothing more to do for the Muslim community in the State, following observations of the Sachar Committee speak for themselves --

- In terms of literacy level, Muslims in Gujarat stood at 73.5 percent as compared to the national average of 59.1. While the figure for the urban males was 76, it was 81 for those living in rural areas as compared to the national average of 70 and 62 respectively in similar category. [The Sachar Committee report : Appendix table 4.1, Page No. 287]

- Even Muslim women in the urban areas of Gujarat have average literacy rate 5 point higher than the national average whereas their counterparts in rural areas of Gujarat fare even better with a literacy rate of 57 percent as compared to the national average of 43 in similar category. [The Sachar Committee report : Appendix table 4.1 b, Page No. 289]

-Also in Gujarat, a greater percentage of Muslims have attained primary, secondary and higher secondary level education compared to the national average and compared to other states. Against the national average of 60.9% (and 42.2% in UP), Gujarat had 74.9% Muslims at the primary level while the percentage is 45.3 at Secondary level as compared to national average of 40.5% and 29.2% in UP. [The Sachar Committee report : Appendix table 4.6 & 4.7, Page No. 295-296-297-298]

-The average years of secondary schooling for Muslim children between age 7 and 16 years is higher in Gujarat at 4.29 years compare to the national average of 3.26 years. The figures in West Bengal, UP and Bihar are 2.84, 2.60 and 2.07 years respectively. The truth is that the Muslim children in Gujarat are benefiting from equal opportunities to access secondary schooling as other children. [The Sachar Committee report : Appendix table 4.2, Page No. 290-291]

- In terms of per month per capita income, Muslims in the urban areas of Gujarat earn an average Rs 875 which is more than the national average of Rs 804. In contrast, it is Rs 662 in UP, Rs 748 in West Bengal, Rs 811 in Punjab, Rs 803 in Andhra Pradesh and Rs 837 in Karnataka. [The Sachar Committee report : Appendix table 8.2, Page No. 364]

- The story is similar in rural Gujarat where the per capita monthly income of the Muslims 20-25% more than the Muslims living in the rural areas of most other states. It is on an average Rs 668 as compared to the national average of Rs 553. [The Sachar Committee report : Appendix table 8.3, Page No. 365]

- In terms of people living below poverty line, Gujarat had 54% Muslims living below it in 1987-88 while the figure stood at 34% in 2004-2005 showing a healthy pace of improvement. [The Sachar Committee report : Appendix table 8.5, Page No. 367]

- Even in terms of share of Muslims in state employment, i.e, government jobs, it is 5.4% in Gujarat while it is 2.1% in West Bengal, 3.2% in Delhi and 4.4% in Maharashtra. [The Sachar Committee report : Appendix table 9.4, Page No. 370]

However, the discourse about Muslims and minority needs to be taken beyond statistics. The moot point is how, exactly; the BJP looks at Muslims and other minorities. There is enough body of evidence available to point out that BJP abhors the idea of minority-ism as it considers both majority and minority as equally important limbs of nation's body politick. In fact Pt Deendayal Upadhyay had rightly said way back in 1967 that `Musalman hamare shareer ka ek ang hain, unka khoon hamara khoon hai' (Muslims are a part of us, the same blood runs in our veins). This, I believe is the fundamental view of BJP which was also manifested through our slogans like “Justice to all, appeasement of none” or "One Nation, One People", stressing the essential oneness of our nation and society, without any kind of straight - jacketing whatsoever.

Since we are against straight jacketing and generalising, we never consider that all Muslims essentially use skullcaps or burqas. However, televised campaigning has its own compulsions and limitations. For them it is lot easier to establish the presence of a community at a gathering, through a particular apparel traditionally identified with that community. Taking this into consideration, local organisers requested Muslims to make their presence visibly felt simply to establish that Muslims are also participating in BJP/ Modi meetings, as against the media perception. This has nothing to do with any official policy of the Party. We have always believed that both, our Unity and Diversity are beyond visible presentation. A uniform help create oneness, but most important is unity of minds. Likewise, different apparels underscore the element of diversity but even without that, we have always believed in diversity of opinion, of world-view and life approaches as well. Hence, it would be futile in taking a course of action simply to send a message with a mere symbolic value. We know that there are groups besides Muslims who wear a skullcap and use burqa as well.

When we say, Nation First is our definition of secularism; we express our desire to go near to the definition of Ataturk Kemal Pasha of Turkey or Veer Sawarkar, closer home. We do understand that we can neither copy Turkish secularism nor go by the lessons learnt by other countries in totality. We have to build upon our own tradition of spiritual democracy, inherent to our culture and that alone is the sole guarantor of sustainable pluralism. We believe, discriminating people on faith and belief systems is against the very grain of true secularism. Our consideration has been that faith can not and need not be the criteria even for affirmative action and those in the Constitution Assembly of India had underscored this point while rejecting the idea of quota on religious lines, some 64 years before. This should explain quite a few actions of Gujarat government.

Coming to giving tickets to Muslims for the assembly poll, again the traditionally used prism to look at the things may not really help. BJP has its own Minority Morcha, a constitutional body to facilitate greater representation and participation of Muslims and other minorities. Parties give tickets only to those who are winnable. Although for Gujarat assembly elections BJP failed in finding out a candidate, at the local-self govt. level, we have dozens of Muslim members elected at various levels. We recognise their electability and give candidature. In fact, Haj Committees and Waqf Boards under BJP ruled States have performed well as compared to the Congress ruled States. This is because we dealt with them from pure good governance point of view. Poor economic status of Muslims even after 50 years of Congress rule out 60 years after independence, underscores the fact that Congress brand of appeasement has not served the cause of development of Muslims adequately.

For those who are used to take Congress brand of secularism credulously, one fact needs to be remembered well. In 1977, the Janata Party government introduced a Constitution Amendment Bill wherein one clause sought to define the word ‘Secular’ as ‘equal respect for all religions.’ The proposal was passed in the Lok Sabha where the newly elected Janata Party was dominant, but was rejected by the Congress majority in the Rajya Sabha.

Simply put, BJP / RSS views that the relationship between an individual and the society is that of a an organ and the body as a whole. With any of our organs being neglected or allowed to under-perform, the whole body will have to face the consequences. In this fundamental approach, there is absolutely, I repeat, absolutely no scope for any discrimination towards Muslims or any other minority group or the socially, economically, weaker sections of the society. To do so, will be to the nation's peril. After all, it was Natendra Modi who had told Nai Dunia editor not too long ago that his heart also beats for Indian Muslims. ("Let the dreams of Muslims, and their children, be fulfilled. This is what I want.")

The author is Director of BJP backed Public Policy Research Centre, Delhi. Views expressed in personal capacity.
vinays57@gmail.com

Second International Conference on Elections and Democracy
Kuching, Malaysia
Good Governance and Delivering Democracy:
Elections are not enough!

Learnings from the situations after Rose Revolution, Arab spring and anti-corruption movements in India

Background
With the passage of time, connotations of concepts change, without much of a change in the core of the idea. What was luxury yesterday has become comfort today and comfort, almost necessity. Individualism today also connotes yearning for personal space while the concept of Human Rights in modern times, has covered recognition for personal choices as well. Similarly, due to the wider realisation that changing traditional male mindset is a pre-requisite for real gender equality, the issue has gained prominence in the entire gamut of issues concerning gender, today.
On the one hand while concepts are becoming more and more broad, wide enough to accommodate multiple shades of meanings they are also acquiring a more practical dimension. Modern day popular thinking has shaped a trend to abhor anything that is just theoretical. To day, unless concepts manifest in practise, their impact remains limited and relevance, questionable at least in the eyes of the younger generation.
All this compels one to have a relook at the traditional vision of democracy. While the talk about deepening and widening of democracy continues to dominate democratic discourse, the reasons for the lack of ability to deliver on the part of democracy gets lesser attention than it deserves.
True, democracy is widening.  There is absolutely no doubt that the global community has marched towards making democracy a universally accepted model of governance. Nobody disputes that of all the available options, democracy is the ‘available best’ model .As pointed out by many, liberal representative democracy has emerged as the dominant system of national rule across the globe - at least in a formal sense. And yet, the gap between reasonable popular expectations from democratic governance and the actual performance of elected rulers seems to be widening more and more. Professor of International Relations at the University of Southampton Anthony McGrew is right in observing “While public disenchantment with elected politicians and the capacity of democratic governments to deal with many of the enduring problems - from inequality to pollution- confronted by modern societies suggest that all is not well within the old democracies.”
When it comes to concepts like democracy and good governance, things become all the more complicated. This is because at least at the conceptual level, the idea of Good Governance was rightly considered as is inherent to the concept of Democracy. “When elected representatives of the people, supported by a majority are at the helm of affairs; the governance will naturally be people oriented and hence ‘Good’ ’’; was the simple logic behind this consideration. But in the last century, all over the world, while the acceptability and preference for democracy has increased manifold, efficacy of democracy in the specific context of making the lives of the principal stakeholders; -- i.e. the people-- easier and qualitatively better has largely remained a chimera. It would not be an exaggeration to say that democracies have sustained not because of the overwhelming popular support, much less because they have developed a strong conviction about democratic values. Democracies have sustained because – regardless of the fact whether they are sham democracies or genuine--- simply because they seemingly provide at least some window of opportunity for the people to have some say in selecting their rulers.
This certainly is a potentially dangerous situation! It does not effectively negate the possibility of any autocratic regime providing Good Governance being seen as acceptable to the people, who are fed up of a democracy that has failed to deliver. The most significant factor in such a scenario is the all-pervading cynicism. When people appear to be more than convinced about the inability of democratic governance to deliver anything significant, the atmosphere of cynicism deepens further. The only way to effectively overrule emergence of this situation is to make democracies—both established, as well as emerging or recently reformed—deliver!
Democracy and State Building
But, for democracy to deliver, first of all it must take a proper birth where it is non-existent, must be groomed and cultivated where it is a new-born infant and must undergo a process of structured overhaul where people perceive it as ineffective on governance count.  In all the three categories what is essential is the consideration of what Pippa Norris calls as the Unified Theory where liberal democracy has to go hand in hand with State building. This Unified Theory has been elaborately explained later in this paper.
Rose revolution in Georgia, Arab Spring in Egypt and Jantar Mantar upsurge in India present before us three distinct cases. In Georgia, State Building was stressed to such an extent that democratic liberalism itself came under a dark cloud. In Egypt, neither liberal democracy could found its roots nor State building was paid any proper attention. In India, the recent popular upsurges remained extempore and short-lived besides being highly unstructured. In effect, the full-blown popular upsurge did reflect relatively strong credentials of liberal democracy, making political establishment sound irrelevant. However, in the process the objective of ensuring reforms in State apparatus bringing greater accountability and transparency just remained unachieved. In a way, all the three examples offer us great learnings. In all the three cases, the outer structure of representative democracy was present all along, but the mandate failed in articulating, much less translating into reality; the popular yearning for bettering their lives.
In a way recent happenings in all the three countries provide copybook lessons on two distinct counts. Firstly, they tell us how not to handle popular upsurges and cause shaking of popular confidence in mass movements. Secondly, they also tell us that mere conduct of elections—even if truly free and fair --- is far from enough for responding to democratic aspirations of the people as the generation next expects democracies to go beyond elections. In a way, the upcoming generations of all the democratic countries are looking for the second-generation democracy.

Georgia
The experience of Rose Revolution in Georgia presents before the world an example of how lack of deepening of democracy may eventually allow a democratic upsurge manifesting a yearning for corruption-free good governance; go simply waste.
On the one hand it is true that Rose Revolution seemed to have aggressively and assertively implemented certain very noteworthy and purposeful reforms in multiple sectors. True, few of them have yielded results and brought in significant change in the lives of the people. No wonder, in its report on Fighting Corruption in Public Services: Chronicling Georgia’s Reforms; the World Bank also rightly emphasised that “Georgia has proven that success can be achieved in a relatively short period of time given strong political will and concerted action by the government. By no means is this fight over—much remains to be done, especially with respect to strengthening institutions (the best safe- guard against a relapse of corruption) and ensuring an adequate system of checks and balances. Although every country has a unique set of initial conditions and the nature of the corruption problem and the type of political economy differ, many elements of Georgia’s story can be replicated in other countries. Georgia’s success destroys the myth that corruption is cultural and gives hope to reformers everywhere who aspire to clean up their public services.”

The Economist too commended the Georgian reforms, saying, “The fight took place on many fronts simultaneously. Ideological purpose lent clarity to the government’s efforts. Driving out corruption became part of a broader, libertarian effort to roll back the state; a smaller government would give fewer opportunities for graft. …. They adopted other countries’ practices with enthusiasm, such as Italian anti-Mafia legislation and German police training techniques. Keeping public opinion onside was critical, although it was an area where the authorities could have done better.”

However, the fact remains that even after having introduced an array of reforms, Mikhail Saakashvili’s party lost the elections in late 2012.
Before we go to the reasons behind Saakashvili defeat, it is important to understand the nature of such reforms. First and foremost, these reforms have noticeably improved the management of public affairs in key areas. But they were all majorly dealing with technical institutions like Central Electoral Commission or the much maligned traffic police. Secondly due to lack of any structured efforts for public education and participation towards durable legal institutions, the reforms remained half way. A glance at the World Economic Forum’s annual Global Competitiveness Report helps one understand the strength and limitations of Georgian reforms. In the organization’s latest report Georgia is ranked second out of 144 countries for the number of days required to open a business and ninth when it comes to “burden of government regulation.” However it comes in 95th place with regard to “judicial independence,” a lowly 131st place when it comes to “property rights,” and in 141st place with regard to “effectiveness of anti-monopoly policy.”
Under Saakashvili rule, in the name of enforcing the rule of law and weeding out corruption, three kinds of excesses happened. These excesses were of three categories. The first involved physical crimes, second comprised crime against privacy and personhood and the third involved economic issues.
On this backdrop, it was almost expected that in spite of the fact that Saakashvili regime brought significant changes and people’s lives were better than earlier, in general; they could not help him win the hearts of the people at large. What was more appalling was the fact that principal players during the Saakashvili regime were convinced about the harsh measures they were taking. Many believed that almost any social and humanitarian costs should be borne in the name of transforming Georgia into “a country of the future.” Many will suffer, they argued, but those who weather the change will live in a fundamentally different state. However, there were not many buyers to this logic. People wanted reforms but were not in favour of the mannerism in which they were imposed. In the ultimate analysis it was a case of misreading the public mind and squandering the mandate given by the people, who while overthrowing the previous regime had pinned huge hopes on Saakashvili. Sadly, Saakashvili failed in giving, what people were looking for that is Governance with a Human Face.
Arab Spring
The Arab spring has a multi-dimensional message. The popular unrest has served a notice to all those elements failing in ensuring a secured future. Secure, both politically as well as economically. The three main factors behind the Arab spring were –

1. A very corrupt or weak government
2.Unhappy wealthy and military classes of people and
3. A desire for change supported and acted upon by different political and popular groups.

At the backdrop of these factors is the fact that most of the countries witnessing extempore popular uprising were governments working under a façade of democracy.

Governments in Egypt and Tunisia were corrupt and more importantly weak on delivery count as well. Autocrats in both countries did not have genuine popular mandate and hence they severely lacked in legitimacy. The abysmal lack of good public administration added to the restlessness not only amongst the poor and disadvantaged sections but also the affluent and powerful sections of the society. Military, too had no reason to not to support and revolt against the corrupt heads of governments. In a situation of this kind, a desire for change got further fillip and people took to streets, without caring so much for the immediate consequences.

What has happened recently in Egypt is a reminder of the fact that while popular mandate could be earned through massive supporter base, as was in the case of Mohammad Morsi; running an administration without giving in to the populist pressures is an altogether different ball game. It is educative, therefore to understand as to how Egypt’s first freely elected president found himself isolated, abandoned by allies and no one in the army or police willing to support him.

It was a fact that during his last days, Morsi and all major institutions together (like judiciary, the armed forces, police and even the intelligence) were at loggerheads with each other. Mutual trust had ceased to exist. Political opponents of the Morsi regime had successfully fuelled popular anger that Morsi was giving too much power to the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamists, and had failed to tackle Egypt's mounting economic problems. Morsi, like many others; habitually took shelter in the fact that he had won popular mandate in the June 2012. Although that certainly was an undeniable fact, students of democracy must now understand that when people are restive, such mandates become evaporative. Even independent observers in Egypt had mentioned that during his last days, Morsi wouldn't address the mass protests; mainly due to lack of moral courage as he had utterly failed in addressing any of the country's most pressing problems – tenuous security, rising prices, unemployment, power cuts and traffic congestion.

Were the uprisings in the Arab countries merely for democratic rights? To consider that replacing sham democratic structures by genuine one will leave the people happy thereafter is denying the hard reality. Democracy is essential, but perhaps no more enough. Along with democracy, people are now aspiring for State building where quality public administration as a part of overall good governance is delivered. If democracy fails in delivering this the specter of people preferring a dictator to a democratically elected government may not be all that remote. In history, there are several examples indicating that benevolent dictators are preferred to failed democracies especially when there is a guarantee on the delivery count.

It is a fact that strengthening institutions that facilitate the expression of democratic demands is extremely important. Introducing elections is an essential ingredient of this process, but that alone is perhaps not enough. If this process eventually fails in enhancing governance capacity in managing the delivery of basic public goods and services, it will ultimately end up promoting greater public disenchantment. Hence, the future of Arab spring movement is pregnant with the grave challenge of establishing State mechanisms that are open, participative and democratic and at the same time efficient and productive while making democracy deliver.

All in all, the lessons one learns from the Georgian and Egyptian experience is all about –
Political Will
Strong implementation mechanisms and mutuality of institutions.
Multi-sectoral and sustained nature of reforms
Genuine commitment to democratic rights
Greater Public Participation

In a way, all the five aspects are intertwined. Without a strong political will on the part of the rulers or leaders of popular upsurge, nothing can happen. It is only this strong will that would generate a courage of conviction required for twin post-regime change developments: putting strong implementation mechanism in place and ensuring that institutions of democratic governance evolve a mutuality and commonality of purpose. This, of course calls for highly dexterous and visionary political leadership spearheading the movements. Only such leadership, with strategic thinking at its command; can moot multi-sectoral and structured reforms, being introduced one after the other. While doing all this, nobody can ride roughshod. Dictatorial ways are of no use in deepening democratic governance. Hence, rulers ought to give due consideration to and betray their commitment to democracy. For that, involving people at every possible level becomes highly critical.

Here, we can also take recent happenings in Brazil into consideration.  Recently, Brazilians in some parts were up in arms against their own Government headed by popular leader Dilma Rousseff. In an outburst of anger against politicians of all stripes, hundreds of thousands of Brazilians took to the streets in June to protest against corruption, mismanagement of government money, the high cost of living and poor public services.

Rousseff had to scramble to improve public transportation, health and education services, immediately and push for reforms to make the country's political establishment more accountable. When people are not ready to believe politicians, much less the ruling party; they become permanently restive and even an incident or two work as a trigger, powerful enough to bring about change of regime. In Georgia this was prevented at least till the elections were held by the semi-authoritarian regime of Saakashvili, in Egypt Morsi could not prevent it, in Brazil Rousseff could escape narrowly and in India the Govt survived because of unstructured popular movement and its leadership that miserably lacked creative imagination and decisiveness.

India
When Arab countries were witnessing this democratic upsurge, in India there was Lokpal movement. Two years after the series of protests had begun with fasts undertaken by Anna Hazare, the movement started by him is nowhere on the scene. True however, is the fact that the challenge of finding answers to some issues thrown by the movement, continues.

There are at least four clear reasons that have contributed to the marginal success of movements led by Anna Hazare and Baba Ramdev, the famous Yoga Guru. First and foremost, their fight appeared to be against the amorphous challenge of wiping out corruption where the end product (i.e. bringing a strong Lok Pal or an ombudsman to take care of complaints about corruption in high places) was largely technical and difficult to understand with limited capacity to catch the popular imagination in a sustained manner.  Secondly, the movements failed in aligning with the opposition parties and groups as they painted the entire political class with the same brush inviting the wrath—overtly or covertly---of the entire political spectrum. Thirdly, they lacked in intellectual as well as organisational prowess due to incoherence and non-coordination. Fourthly and most importantly, the movement could not carry home the point that every citizen is equally responsible for the spread of corruption and hence if it is to be really wiped off; at least all the participants of the movement – if not every citizen-- need to demonstrably adopt a code of conduct and adhere to some key ethical values to add to the credibility of the leading lights of the movement. Thanks to all these reasons; leaders of the anti-corruption movements in India seem to have wasted a golden opportunity and may end up, perhaps; pushing the citizenry further in the morass of cynicism.

In the Indian context, it would be misleading to get unduly impressed by the increased percentage of voting in Uttar Pradesh assembly elections of 2012. Winning elections has already become a technique and with flawed electoral system, rarely it turns out to be a genuine popular mandate. The sooner people in India stop relishing in being the largest democracy of the world and start introducing reforms to wipe off the wide spread disparagement and frustration about the political system, the better.
Happily, the atmosphere created by the movements has encouraged some state governments take some concrete actions in the form of bringing new legislations aimed at greater transparency and accountability in governance.
Responsive and Effective
From Georgia to Egypt and Brazil to India, events underscore the importance of what has been effectively theorised by Pippa Norris Norris as the combination of democratic responsiveness and state effectiveness. According to her, regardless of whatever the theory suggests, in practice, liberal democracies often prove imperfect on the count of accountability and good governance related procedures “particularly where party competition is limited, electoral systems are manipulated, or channels of participation are skewed towards money votes over people votes.” Norris further argues that “The institutions in liberal democracy can limit the abuse of power, but curbing Leviathan does not ensure that leaders will necessarily have the capability to implement effective public policies addressing social needs.”

Norris further points out that “Moreover the initial move from autocracy, and the rhetorical promises commonly made by leaders during transitional elections, often encourages rising expectations among ordinary citizens. If these cannot be met by elected officials, due to limited state capacity, this can be a recipe for frustration.”
The Arab Spring brings to the fore the fault lines of as well as recent anti-corruption movements in India makes us keep our fingers crossed as nothing could be conclusively stated about the success or otherwise of these movements. Although some measures by the governments in some Arab countries as well as India and some of its State governments leave a scope for hope, popular turbulence in both these countries leave a lot to be desired.
Senior American journalist and political commentator David Broder once pointed out that there is a widening gap between acceptance and effectiveness of democracy. Analysing the reasons for the same, he says that death of ideology, decline of state, decline of religion, low esteem of politics as a profession, and the irresponsible role of media in general, are the causes behind democracy becoming less effective.
On the performance count, new and emerging democratic governments all over the world have more often than not, met with failures. Even countries where democracy was supposed to be already well established, such as Venezuela and Columbia, became “destabilized and seriously threatened in the past decade by economic mismanagement, corruption, and state decay as established parties and politicians grew complacent and distant from popular concerns.” Many countries in South America, suffered a deep crisis of governance that inevitably resulted in sharp erosion in the authority and capacity of the state as also public confidence in democratic institutions. Similar is the case with some of the former Soviet countries. Even after a decade of democratisation, here, power is wielded with the same old style that smacks of authoritarianism, elections are still less fair and rule of law continues to be fragile.
Learnings
What Pippa Norris has analysed is significant in the context of India and Brazil too. Venomous statements of the likes of civil society leaders Arvind Kejriwal in India will come always under flack, and perhaps rightly. But the emergence of the likes of Kejriwal in India and Marina Silva, also a non-traditional politician in Brazil has a lesson for all those traditional politicians. People are increasingly saying it from the rooftops that they are now sick of the established and routine politics. They want a decisive leader who is strong yet sensitive, resolute yet responsive.  In the absence of any such leader, non-traditional political players may spoil the show.
Continuously widening gap between the electors and the elected is a pointer to the grave situation. When in India we have 78% of the Lok Sabha members today winning the election despite the fact that 50% of the electors in respective constituencies have voted against them, legitimacy of the representative democracy itself has become questionable. Should this continue for long, world may witness democratic governments offering neither good governance nor genuine democracy.
While describing the huge popular response to Lokpal movement, media had compared Jantar –Mantar in Delhi to Tahrir Square. Comparisons like these have limited meaning. But, like those who were spearheading the Tahrir Square upsurge, Lokpal movement also lost its way and failed in unveiling a larger agenda for political and institutional reforms for an effective democracy. In fact, this failure has given a new set of reasons to the people to be more cynical about the system, of which civil society has become an integral part.
Like Brazil, India will be facing general elections in 2014. Elections will establish which of the available alternatives people prefer. However, electoral choice is conditioned by several factors. Through impromptu   and unstructured demonstrations, people are expressing what a laity cannot articulate in a cogent manner. It is the restlessness within. It is their pet up anger against the cluelessness all around. The apparent choice that democracy as a theory offers has been negated by the principal vehicles of given democratic system; parties, electoral systems, media and now even the civil society. This has given rise to the feeling of having been trapped. Interestingly, the liberators in the form of democratic system have themselves apparently become chains. One must develop an insight to understand the meaning of popular risings – whether in Latin America, Middle East, Eastern Europe or South Asia. The strong but simple message of the popular unrest in parts of the democratic world that students of democracy need to understand is very clear: Elections are just not enough for a democracy to succeed. 

Even the democratic world is appearing flat. Factors like strong visionary leadership with organisational skills; strategic thinking and ability to balance strong capacity to enforce reforms while ensuring greater public participation in a strategic manner after all are in short supply on the banks of all, Kura (on the banks of which Tbilisi is located), Acari in Brazil or Nile in Egypt and Yamuna in India.  Time will only tell us whether leadership will shape the nature of things to unfold or the situation will throw new kind of leaders, who are sensitive and still strong.
To a great extent, the democratic deficit in most parts of the world  is  a product of failed institutions. Political parties, Parliaments and Electoral Systems; all need a re-look at their functionality.
Dr Vinay Sahasrabuddhe
Rambhau Mhalgi Prabodhini, Mumbai
Vinays57@gmail.com
References
Diamond, Larry et al (Ed.): Consolidation of the Third World Democracies (Baltimore, John Hopkins Press, 1997)

Uncertain World: Saakashvili’s Election Defeat is His Main Achievement by Fyodor Lukyanov (http://en.rian.ru/columnists/20121005/176418276.html)

A note on Identity Politics presented at the Samvimarsh on Cultural Nationalism  organised by the National Training Cell of the Bharatiya Janata party

New Delhi on May 4-5, 2013

Identity Politics: Handle with care!

-- Vinay Sahasrabuddhe

The dilemma with Identity Politics is like a two-edged sword. It can unite a cultural group but it can also give fillip to fragmentation if the whole gamut of issues is not handled with due care! At the core of the challenge of negotiating with identity issues is the fundamental thesis of developing a synergy between identities and recognising that larger and wider identities are supreme but they also are a sum total of smaller and indelible identities. Pt. Deendayal Upadhyay had rightly emphasised on this principle.

Identity Politics encompasses a broad spectrum of movements woven around a cause, which is essentially of a particular social/cultural or even regional/geographical identity. Prominent themes that have dominated the academic discourse on identity politics include secessionist struggles within countries, indigenous rights movements worldwide, nationalist projects, or demands for regional self-determination. Predictably, there is no straightforward criterion that makes a political struggle into an example of “identity politics;” rather, the term signifies a loose collection of political projects, each undertaken by representatives of a collective with a set of distinctively different social characteristics that has hitherto (many a time supposedly) been neglected, erased, or suppressed.

Identity Politics is both, a unifying force as well as a divisive one. Politicians in several countries where society is very diverse have played the game of uniting to divide very adroitly. There obviously are some short term and contextual gains as well as some longer-term losses in the whole process. A researcher has put this succinctly in the following comment: -

What makes identity politics a significant departure from earlier, pre-identarian forms of the politics of recognition is its demand for recognition on the basis of the very grounds on which recognition has previously been denied: it is qua women, qua blacks that groups demand recognition. The demand is not for inclusion within the fold of “universal humankind” on the basis of shared human attributes; nor is it for respect “in spite of” one's differences. Rather, what is demanded is respect for oneself as different.

In countries that had undergone a colonial rule, the talk of cultural nationalism acquires a distinct dimension, which is that of pre-colonial indigenous cultural past. This involves appeals to a time before oppression, or a culture or way of life damaged by colonialism, imperialism, or even genocide.

Indigenous governance systems embody distinctive political values, radically different from those of the mainstream. Western notions of domination (human and natural) are noticeably absent; in their place we find harmony, autonomy, and respect. We have a responsibility to recover, understand, and preserve these values, not only because they represent a unique contribution to the history of ideas, but because renewal of respect for traditional values is the only lasting solution to the political, economic, and social problems that beset our people. Normally, all traditional cultures abhor divisiveness. About both, African as well as Asian traditional societies one can say that their native inclination is generally towards finding similarities and evolving a consensus. Nigerian scholar Adebayo Adedeji has said, “Africans are past masters in consultation, consensus and consent. Our traditions abhor exclusion. Consequently, there is no sanctioned and institutionalized opposition in our traditional system of governance. Traditionally, politics for us has never been a zero-sum game.”

How this traditional social system had both, adequate space for preserving distinctive features as well as scope for evolving a collective social defence mechanism in the context of India was portrayed by Charles Metcalf is a vivid manner. In 1761 Charles Metcalf has written to the 1832 Select Parliamentary Committee on the East India Company’s charter in brilliantly evocative term. He wrote: 'The village communities are little republics, having nearly everything they can want within themselves and almost independent of any foreign relations. They seem to last where nothing else lasts. Dynasty after dynasty tumbles down; revolution succeeds to revolution; Hindoo, Pathan, Mogul, Mahratta, Sikh, English, are all masters in turn; but the village community remains the same...This union of the village communities, each one forming a separate state in itself, has, I conceive, contributed more than any other cause to the preservation of the people of India through all the revolutions and changes which they have suffered, and is in a high degree conducive to their happiness, and to the enjoyment of a great portion of freedom and independence'.[1]

However, beyond the structures and systems that existed in India, what is more important is the India’s cultural unity in the midst of apparent diversities. To quote Rajni Kothari India is perhaps “the only great historical civilisation that has maintained its cultural unity without identifying itself with a particular centre….The essential identity of India has not been political but cultural….it was through a constant interplay between the political and the cultural, the secular and the spiritual, that the system was able to adapt itself to changing situations.”[2] One can safely infer that this culture of accommodation in India paved way to the smooth functioning of political democracy. Besides, unlike in China where state is also considered as the moral custodian, such a monopolistic stance of the rulers was never acceptable in India, thanks mainly to its tradition of “society’s autonomy”.[3]

All this makes it amply clear that inherent cultural unity with an essential spirit of accommodation at its core was something like a strong foundation on which representative democracy should have easily flourished in India.

In spite of all this, India and several other democracies too are facing challenges of dealing with those streams of identity politics that are proving to be divisive in nature and hence harmful for social and national integration. Factors that are a potential source of disintegration are as follows  --

1.     Limitless yearning for back-to-the roots – Conducting oneself socially and culturally is an evolutionary process. What was relevant yesterday may not always be relevant today. Change, as much as continuity is an integral part of the socio-cultural past of societies and civilisations. Hence, digging too deep into the past through an essentially puritanical approach is an indication of favoring stagnancy. Those who clamor for limitless yearning for back-to-the roots eventually harm the cause of cultural nationalism

2.     Unity in Diversity or other way round? : In India we celebrate our diverse social and cultural characteristics often describing it as Unity in Diversity. Unfortunately, the lure of identity populism is making the reverse i.e. Diversity in Unity appear more true. In our political narrative, political class has been overtly and covertly emphasising on the elements that separate a particular social group from the larger group, a sub-set of a set! Besides in Hindu society, it is very easy to renounce Hinduness as the idea or definition of Hindu is extremely liberal and flexible. To be accommodative and receptive to diversity is commendable but it also invites the dangers of an essentially revolving door approach where one can come and go as per his/her sweet will. The motivating factor behind all such thought processes has ---more often than not ---been politics of fragmentation aimed at electoral benefits.

3.     Employing adroit unifying strategies:  In order to overcome the threats of identity politics, pro-unity and integrity forces will have to employ effective unifying strategies in an adroit manner. These strategies necessarily should prevent social and cultural fragmentation. In that context, while the salad-bowl theory of social assimilation should not be opposed, the integrationists should also try to emphasise the ultimate truth of melting-pot theory. This, of course will have to be done carefully. The onus of making this happen is always on the better placed, socially and economically advanced sections of the society. Unless the aspirational India largely representing the educated, city-dwelling, financially well-placed and socially settled classes sensatise themselves towards the agonies of the deprived sections, this is hard to happen. In that context, imaginatively crafted pedagogical processes making people realise the essential unity of the society and the meaning of one-people, one-nation will have to be vigorously evolved and promoted.

4.     Systemic factors promoting fragmentation: Social fragmentation is inbuilt in our First-past-the Post electoral system. Otherwise fairly integrationist elements too indulge in harping upon diversities when it comes to electoral arithmetic. This happens because the path of electoral victory goes via greater fragmentation as atomization pays rich dividends in this system, and more importantly it is always easier to divide and rule. Harp on diversity- create an emotional insecurity – promote en-block voting through sectoral appeasement and eventually outsmart the social majority has proved to be the most effective strategy of political parties.

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[1] Dewey C.J., “Images of the Village Community (1972):a study in Anglo-Indian ideology”, ‘Modern Asian Studies’, Vol. 6, No. 3 (1972)

[2] Rajni Kothari, ‘Politics in India’ p.251

[3] ibid.p.264

Trivializing Terror

Vinay Sahasrabuddhe

Predictably, RSS and BJP workers put up a spirited agitation on January 24 in protest of the Home Minister who has committed two major blunders. Firstly, he tried to link terrorism to a belief system and specifically commented on the growth of what he called as Hindu Terror. Secondly, he went overboard and highly irresponsibly politicized the discourse on terror by taking the names of the RSS and the BJP claiming that in the training camps of both these organisations terrorism is taught. This has added to the pleasure of those who are masterminding terror attacks from across the border. They have already gleefully grabbed these pearls of wisdom of our Home Minister. The minister was so very engaged in obtaining political brawny points that he absolutely had no time to even say hello to Justice J S Verma who presided over the govt. appointed committee to look into the issues concerning safety and security of women.

For the benefit of Home Minister Susheel Kumar Shinde it is necessary to bring to his notice as to how at several instances Congress workers have been caught red-handed while indulging in terrorist and anti-national activities by the law enforcing authorities from time to time. This should bring Mr. Shinde out of selective amnesia and may prevent further trivialization of the issue of terrorism.

Former Fisheries Minister of Gujarat and a prominent Congress leader Mohammad Surti and ten others were found guilty in 1993 Surat twin blast case by TADA court on October 4, 2008. While Mohammad Surti along with four other convicts including former Congress corporator Iqbal Vadiwala received 20-year prison sentence, another six received 10 year prison sentence. Total 21 persons were found guilty out of which five were not traceable.

According to police, a part of the arms cache smuggled into Mumbai for 1993 Mumbai blasts was diverted to Surat. Mohammad Surti had procured hand grenades from the late Ahmedabad don Abdul Latif for the bombings, the court had then observed.

Again, as reported by the The Indian Express on March 5, 2002 several Congress leaders feature in the list of accused in the Godhra train - bogey burning case. Prominent among them are Mehmud Hussain Kalota, convener of the Congress district minority cell and president of the Godhra municipality, Salim Abdul Ghaffar Sheikh, president of the Panchmahal Youth Congress and Farroukh Bhana, secretary of the district Congress committee.

Later, when 31 people were convicted for Godhra roasting, two Congressmen were given life imprisonment while one was given death penalty. The Times of India dated 9 August 2003 reported that at least 25 Congress leaders were accused of being involved in attacks on Muslims. 

Again it is the same Congress party that had allied with Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagham - a party involved in 1998 Coimbatore blasts. So much for 'links' with terrorists, Congress entered into an electoral agreement with this party in Tamil Nadu in the 2006 Assembly polls. 

An incident like the deadly Coimbatore blasts in which Shri L K Advani miraculously escaped but nearly 58 Hindus, mostly BJP workers were killed. The prime accused of this case is PDP leader Abdul Madani. In 2006, the then ruling and Opposition parties had joined hands to unanimously pass a resolution in the Kerala Assembly on March 16, calling for Madani’s release on “humanitarian grounds” from the Coimbatore prison. Later when Madani was arrested by the Karnataka police and kept in a Banglore prison for the 2008 Banglore serial blasts case, Congress and Muslim League along with the PDP undertook a campaign to force the Karnataka Government to provide medical help and other facilities to Abdul Nasser Madani.  

It is a well known fact that the Kerala-based PDP, of which Madani is chairman, and a group called Justice for Madani Forum formed after his arrest by Bangalore police in August, 2010, have been trying to garner support for moves to influence the Karnataka Government for quite some time and the UPA at the centre is refusing to prevent such highly objectionable precedents being set.

The record of the Congress party on the count of resolutely facing the challenge of terrorism has always been dubious. Nation has not forgotten as to how the ghost of Bhindranwale was nurtured by those who were at the helm of affairs at the Centre then. Again, it was Mrs. Gandhi the first who introduced the Illegal Migrants: Determination by Tribunals (IMDT) Act in early eighties with the sole objective of protecting illegal Bangladeshi migrants staying in Assam.

Again, can we forget as to how keen was the Congress to oppose the passage of POTA that it compelled the then NDA government call for a historic joint session of both the houses of the Parliament? And as if this is not enough, read what Madhu Agarwal, the irrepressible RTI activist from Delhi has to say through his personal dispatch of January 29, 2013: “It refers to media-reports about country’s top secret-agency Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) suddenly aborting its important ‘Operation Morocco’ mission relating to 26/11 militants’ attack on Mumbai aiming to reach out to Faiza Outalha, the estranged wife of Pakistani-American terrorist David Coleman Headly, who acted as a ‘scout’ to identify various targets for the deadly strikes.”

Agarwal further observes: “At a time when India is expressing its anguish over Headly escaping death-penalty and his extradition to India, such media-reports now appearing about RAW aborting its important mission sometime in mid-2012 are indeed a cause of serious concern on working of RAW whose activities cannot be made public under ‘Right-To-Information Act’. However Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) should make a detailed study also because the media-reports doubt if PMO was aware of such aborting of RAW mission. PMO should in larger national interest issue clarification on such media-reports.”

Dear Mr. Shinde, it is easy to single out a particular organisation and apply a particular tag to some terrorist activities. It takes hardly any dexterity to play politics on these lines. But you must remember that people are least interested in this name-calling. They want results and your own irresponsible statements have seriously dented your credibility. What has come under cloud is the very authenticity of your government’s plan to fight with terror. This is downright demoralising for the police and disillusioning for the people of India in general. No wonder, terrorists beyond the boundaries were the happiest lot to read about your statement. Mr. Shinde, you are trivializing the threat of terror and it is we the people who will have to pay price for this.